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Lindsay
Mitchell has been commenting on welfare since 2001. Her
articles have been published in major New Zealand newspapers
and she has appeared on radio, tv and before select committees
discussing issues relating to welfare.
see lindsaymitchell.blog
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NZCPR
Guest Forum
Lindsay Mitchell
22 March 2009
Welfare
Reform in a Recession
During
a recent radio interview I was asked, is this a bad time to be
talking about reforming welfare? No, I replied with little
hesitation. There is no bad time to be trying to reform
welfare.
The period under the last Labour government would have been an
ideal time to radically reform welfare because jobs were
plentiful (thanks to the 1980s economic reforms, globalisation
and a strong world economy). Now, with recessionary
unemployment rising, job opportunities are becoming more
scarce seeming to thwart the chances of moving people off
welfare.
I would be mad to argue with the facts but look at it another
way. If increasing resources are going to be needed for
unemployed people, an effort to reduce dependency on other
benefits is doubly urgent.
Traditionally, when unemployment rises, so do numbers on each
of the other main benefits - DPB, sickness and invalid.
Families break up under the stress of unemployment; stress
itself can drive people onto a sickness benefit. As the dole
looks like becoming a more permanent prospect, some recipients
will seek to be reclassified onto better paying benefits such
as the invalid's benefit. Indeed, long-term unemployment and
family break-ups make people depressed, or worse.
Psychological and psychiatric conditions are the leading
causes of incapacity for work and subsequent reliance on one
of these benefits.
But there is also the matter of welfare as a chosen lifestyle.
The current benefit system does young people no favours by
allowing them to default to welfare with relative ease. The
rate of teenage birth has been rising since 2003 and so has
the percentage of DPB ( or EMA*) recipients who are aged
16-19. These newcomers to welfare present a double
whammy because they tend to stay on welfare the longest. As
well as being a heavy financial cost to the nation, the
mental and health costs to their children are significant.
Just last week the Prime Minister, John Key, admitted on radio
that there are young girls for whom, " ... a pathway
forward is to have a baby by some random guy because the
state will give them money to ... they are raising children in
very poor conditions, they are at risk; their children are at
risk." (Key also conceded that a cap on the number of
children a woman can have while on the DPB would reduce
welfare abuse but has no plans to introduce one.)
Surely now is the time to be saying enough is enough. Birth
control has never been easier to access or use. The DPB
should be replaced by a return to what happened in earlier
times; financial assistance provided for a short specified
period only.
Thereafter, single parents who cannot find work should be
subject to the same payment rate and work tests as
any other unemployed individual. If the expectation of a life
on welfare, no questions asked as long as there is a child in
tow, was removed, behaviour would change. As one English
commentator has suggested, take away the subsidy and the steam
would go out of the single mother industry over night.
An idea I didn't hear suggested at the recent Jobs Summit was
this; around half of the sole parents currently on the DPB
care for just one child. This group, about 50,000, could
create jobs (and incomes) for themselves by providing sorely
needed childcare for others. It's an idea which deserves at
least as much attention as the much-touted cycleway.
Looking at the dole, youth unemployment is always higher than
unemployment in the general population. At the moment, among
15-19 year-olds it is 17.3 percent versus
4.6 percent.
Should
young people be allowed to collect the dole having made no
prior tax contribution? When the unemployment benefit was
originally set up it was funded from social security
contributions. The abiding public perception was - no
contribution, no benefits. During the 1960s dedicated funding
was scrapped in favour of funding from the consolidated fund.
Entitlements expanded and means-testing was relaxed.
Ultimately
New Zealand
needs to review the thinking behind funding the dole through
general taxation in favour of genuine unemployment insurance
with dedicated employer/employee contributions. But in the
interim the payment of welfare to young people should become
discretionary as opposed to 'as of right'. Support from wider
families should take priority over financial assistance from
the state. Parental income, for the purpose of student
allowance qualification is, after all, tested until the
student is aged 24.
In regard to other benefits, the movement onto either the
sickness or invalid benefit has to be
seriously discouraged. One in twenty working aged New
Zealanders now rely on one or the other of these benefits.
Over 130,000 people in total. Perhaps qualifying certification
needs to be shifted from solitary doctors to a panel of
practitioners to prevent strong-arming and intimidation. It
goes without saying that there are genuinely needy people
receiving these benefits. But, there are, for example,
more people relying on an incapacity benefit because of
substance abuse than because of cancer. When resources for
those made unemployed through no fault of their own are
severely stretched, can we afford to keep indulging people who
cause their own incapacity to work? Recession or not, the
question about whether people should be paid to perpetuate
self-destructive habits is begging some discussion, if not a
definitive answer.
Never before has the idea that tough times call for tough
measures held truer. It may be that a radical overhaul of
social security is impossible during a deep recession, and
anyway, National has committed to keeping the Social Security
Act 1964 legislation in place. But a lot can be done through
amending the Act and changing rules. During the wealthy
days of the 1950s and 60s social security was constantly
broadened through the principles of universalism and
entitlement. It now needs to be subjected to a heavy
dose of the principle of discretion. 'Getting' can no longer
be a given.
* The Emergency Maintenance Allowance is payable to single
mothers aged 16-17
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