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NZCPR
Guest Forum
Judging
National's First Budget
Sir
Roger Douglas MP
16 May 2009
Budget
Day is coming up. Finance
Minister Bill English has promised that this will be a
‘responsible Budget’ - but what does that actually mean?
How can we tell if a Budget is responsible or reckless?
Unless we understand some fundamental economic truths,
then we will not be able to determine whether Mr English
delivers on his promise. Set
out below are 10 principles we must keep in mind when
assessing a Budget.
Principle
One: There is no free lunch
Governments
should only take an extra dollar from the private sector if it
can show that doing so will return more to New Zealand than it
would have had, had that dollar been left in the private
sector.
Reasoning: Every
dollar the Government spends must be paid for through taxation
and is a dollar that cannot be spent by an individual.
Government spending has costs – if the Government
borrows to spend money, it is only deferring tax increases.
In
fact, Government spending of $1 costs the private sector more
than $1. To raise
revenue the Government incurs extra costs to collect it.
In addition, people change their behaviour in response
to taxes – they may work fewer hours, structure deals
differently to lower their tax burden, or even break the law
to avoid paying tax. These
losses are known as deadweight losses.
Treasury conservatively estimates that raising $1 in
revenue costs the economy $1.20.
Essentially this means Government spending must deliver
benefits over and above the dollar value of the spending to be
worth the cost.
While
the Government’s annual spend today is $40 billion more than
in 1999, the cost of gaining that revenue is much higher –
about $48 billion. If
that is then spent on things that deliver poor returns –
such as the kind of corporate welfare administered through New
Zealand Trade and Enterprise – is it any wonder that we have
declining productivity and that our economic growth has been
stagnant?
Principle
Two: All spending has an opportunity cost
The
Government has only a limited quantity of resources to use
and, therefore, must carefully decide where to use them – eg
spending in health versus spending on roads.
Reasoning: Money
the Government spends can’t be spent elsewhere.
Householders know money spent on washing powder can’t
be spent on chocolate – but this concept is poorly
understood by most politicians.
For
example: Labour supports building the Mt Albert Waterview
Tunnel, costing around $3 billion – which could be spent on
healthcare, education or tax cuts.
Labour’s justification is that it will reduce
congestion which, while possibly true, answers the wrong
question.
The
question isn’t ‘does this spending have benefits?’
Rather, it is ‘does this spending have more benefits
than any alternative way of spending this money?’
Would you rather have the $2 billion – the difference
between the Waterview Tunnel and a surface route – spent on
heart operations and hip replacements, or on a tunnel that
helps a few living in
Mount
Albert
?
Principle
Three: Incentives matter
Market
prices co-ordinate the activity of buyers and sellers, and
help balance supply and demand.
Without prices we inevitably create shortages.
Prices also help eliminate waste by directing resources
to their most efficient uses.
Reasoning: Behaviour
is determined by incentives.
If working pays more than not working, people are
likely to work. If
the Government punishes hard work through higher taxes, and
subsidises idleness through benefits, we shouldn’t be
surprised when we see more people out of work.
Incentives’
power can be seen in Labour’s introduction of free
physiotherapy as part of ACC in 2004.
Originally set to cost $9 million, it now costs $139
million – a 1,400 percent increase.
If
something is ‘free’ to the consumer, but charged to the
taxpayer, the consumer will seek more of it.
It doesn’t cost them, and instead the costs are
spread across everyone. In
reality, overall costs will go up and taxes or levies will
rise to meet them.
That’s
why promises of ‘free’ services - doctor visits,
healthcare, transport for superannuitants, etc - end up
costing far more when paid publicly than if paid for by
individuals. If we
get the incentives wrong, Government spending will rise to
cover the cost.
Principle
Four: Government must adjust
New Zealand
’s current account deficit has ballooned.
If Government continues to spend at current levels, the
deficit will increase. This
will see our credit rating downgraded, and our currency drop
even further.
In
the current recession New Zealanders know we must stop
spending beyond our means.
The Government must do the same and distribute
resources away from Government spending.
We need less Government, and more private enterprise.
Reasoning: Kiwis
live beyond their means - our debt is enormous.
If the Government continues spending as before, New
Zealanders will suffer through higher taxes or increased debt.
But
if the Government reduces spending – freeing up resources
for tax cuts – it will help New Zealanders get through the
recession and make the adjustment more manageable.
In
a recession we must tighten our belts and Government must
realise this applies to it as much as to us.
For example: public servants have received pay rises
that have outstripped inflation, and have some of the highest
job security. It
is appropriate in these circumstances to ensure that everyone
– including Government – makes the required adjustments.
Principle
Five: Demographics matter
Costs
of one generation should be paid by that generation, not
loaded on to the next in an unsustainable way.
We must ensure that, over the next 40 years,
appropriate levels of personal funds are saved so retired
people can live in dignity from their personal savings.
Unless this occurs, retirees’ welfare will depend on
the whim of the politicians in
Wellington
.
Reasoning: New
Zealand’s population is ageing - retiring baby boomers will
see health and superannuation costs balloon.
The effect of rising health costs combined with an
older society will be crippling.
Our Pay-As-You-Go Superannuation scheme will see young
taxpayers saddled with high taxes to fund the baby boomers’
retirement.
Government
has been running superannuation and healthcare as de facto
pyramid schemes. All
pyramid schemes ultimately fail, unless their population grows
faster and faster. That
won’t happen. Changes
must be made to entitlement programmes, like superannuation
and health, to ensure they are affordable in the future.
Continually
increasing spending is not viable – it will necessitate
higher taxes, which will see us slip further behind countries
that encourage investment and innovation.
Principle
Six: Focus on the dollars
We
must focus on what’s important: looking seriously at big
spending items and considering all options.
Is what we’re doing working?
Is it returning value for money?
Reasoning: Government
is undertaking a ‘line-by-line’ review of spending, which
has revealed the usual suspects: conferences, travel,
training, functions, and other unnecessary small costs.
But a line-by-line approach misses the bigger
questions: should this department even exist?
Or should we open various programmes to a competitive
bid process?
Rather
than looking at what’s being spent, we should consider what
we want to spend money on.
That is achieved by asking:
a)
Does this department need to exist?
b)
If so, what are its functions and do they need to be
continued?
c)
Can we make remaining functions contestable – with private
contractors able to bid and drive down costs – while
improving efficiency and productivity?
d)
If not, how can we structure the department to achieve our
goals without creating waste and poor incentives?
e)
Do we need a line-by-line review?
Without
considering all options, spending cuts will be small and
politically-motivated – rather than targeted at genuine
waste. If Mr
English won’t look at ways to make healthcare and education
more competitive, Government spending will continue to
increase.
The
reality is that 66 percent of Government spending is on
health, education, and welfare.
Refusing to change how we fund or deliver these
services is giving up on fiscal prudence.
Principle
Seven: Productivity matters
The
link between productivity and income is vital to understanding
economic growth. Without
increased productivity, there can be no increased income or
living standards. One
of the biggest areas to address productivity is Government-run
enterprise where productivity growth has, at times, been
negative. Solving
this problem will enable us to be wealthier.
Reasoning: Wage
growth is caused by productivity growth.
Productivity growth is not a result of working harder
or longer – it is caused by one of four things: capital
investment, technology development, upskilling, and quality
public institutions. Encouraging
people to produce goods more efficiently is the key –
something Labour failed to do.
The
Government needs to protect property rights to ensure people
want to invest in technology without costly regulation.
It must also ensure that contracts are enforced to
ensure that people can bargain and determine what is best for
them. It must also
realise that cutting a dollar of waste releases that dollar to
be spent elsewhere. Cutting
waste benefits the ordinary person – in higher wages, better
jobs, or better goods and services.
Principle
Eight: Transaction costs
Reducing
transaction costs will let
New Zealand
achieve higher levels of economic growth.
Greater investment in key infrastructure will let us
expand our productive capacity.
Stripping away man-made barriers to growth – like
tariffs – will enable us to achieve gains from trade.
Reasoning: Some
costs interfering with our capacity to grow are out of our
control: we’re isolated; our communities are often distant;
some of communications networks are poor.
But these need not defeat us.
Investment in key infrastructure can overcome them –
Hong Kong
is built on a rock with no natural resources to speak of, yet
is wealthy.
We
can control man-made barriers.
Free trade barriers increase the cost of foreign goods
and services. Consumers
are harmed and we’re made poorer.
Excessive regulation hinders growth by preventing
production of goods and services.
This increases the price of goods.
Principle
Nine: Tax cuts
Tax
cuts incentivise work and saving.
Ensuring all income is treated the same will remove
costly distortions in our economy – like those occurring
when people set up businesses in different ways to avoid tax.
The only way to reduce tax is to reduce Government
spending.
Reasoning: Tax
rates are important, but are determined by whether we accept
principles outlined above.
If you believe Government can increase spending, tax
rates will be high. If
you believe incentives do not matter, tax rates will be
steeply progressive and punish success.
If
Government spending is controlled, taxes can be low.
Mr English calls tax cuts unaffordable.
He’s wrong. High
levels of Government spending are unaffordable.
If we indulge the whim of every special interest group
with tax money, taxes will be high.
When
we cut taxes, it’s argued that the wealthy benefit most.
In reality, progressive tax rates discourage work and
innovation from our economy’s most productive.
High taxes on the wealthy don’t just mean less money
for them – it means fewer goods and services for us all.
Principle
Ten: Our economic constitution
Government
spending has ballooned in the past 12 years, and should worry
anyone who believes in individual liberty.
The power used most to interfere with people’s
freedom is Government’s ability to tax – but there are few
constraints on that. If
we are to maintain economic freedom in the future, we must
limit Government’s capacity to tax and spend.
Reasoning: There
are restraints against the Executive arbitrarily exercising
the powers granted by the Legislature.
The Legislature has checks on its authority, including
a defined legislative process and elections.
But there’s little to stop Government spending and
taxing too much. The
past 12 years demonstrate the Government’s enormous tax and
spend appetite.
Government
size can be limited through Constitutional restraints.
We should limit the growth in spending to inflation and
population growth, unless a referendum affirms an increase.
This has two benefits: a referendum would make the
trade-off between Government spending and tax clear.
Also, it would allow the size of Government to reduce
as a proportion of GDP, while allowing real Government
spending to stay the same.
It is not extreme to suggest that Government not spend
more per person than it currently does.
The
basis of a free society is limited Government.
The most obvious interference in the life of the
ordinary person is the capacity for the Government to forcibly
take money from them to spend on projects.
Unless we restrain that capacity, we can be sure the
power will be abused and the size of Government will expand.
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