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Bronwyn
Howell is Programme Director, Post-Experience Programmes at
Victoria Management School
,
Victoria
University of
Wellington
, and a research associate at ISCR. She has held management
positions and undertaken research in the information technology,
health and nonprofit sectors, and has a particular research
interest in institutional design and governance in
government-funded health sectors. Recent articles on these
subjects have been published in Agenda, Journal of Health
Services Research and Policy and Victoria University Law
Review.
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About Bronwyn
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Victoria Management School website
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NZCPD
Guest Forum
Bronwyn
Howell
Researcher
15 July 06
Why
The Sick Will Pay More
Why We’ll All Pay For the Doctors’ Strike and the Waiting
List Cull at the GP’s Surgery

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A
fundamental tactic employed by District Health Boards (DHBs)
in recent weeks in order to meet demand that they are unable
or unwilling to cater for has been to refer their unsatisfied
clients back to general practitioners (GPs) for treatment.
This tactic has been invoked both as an emergency management
tool in response to situations outside of their control, such
as the junior doctors’ strikei,
and as a strategic response when removing all patients unable
to be seen within six months from the hospital waiting listsii.
Such actions impose additional direct costs upon individual
patients, who must make out-of-pocket payments to GPs when
these primary providers must supply consultations that, if
provided by DHB personnel would be at no cost to the patient,
not to mention the additional inconvenience for ‘waiting
list rejects’ of having to endure for longer than
anticipated the consequences of the condition that
necessitated addition to the waiting list in the first place.
However,
there is an additional, hidden, cost of the policy. Shifting
demand from the tertiary sector to the primary sector will
impose additional costs upon all consumers of primary care. As
a consequence of changes in 2002 to the way in which primary
care is subsidised by the government, it is inevitable that
the long-run effect of DHBs shifting the costs of their unmet
demand into the primary sector will be increases in the
charges GPs levy to all patients when they make a visit to the
surgery.
The
2002 change, implemented as part of the New Zealand Primary
Health Care Strategy (NZPHCS), resulted in GPs being paid by
capitation, rather than the historic fee-for-service systemiii.
Under fee-for-service, GPs received a fee for every eligible
patient visit. Together, the government subsidy and the
patient payment covered costs. The more of their patients
falling sick and seeking appointments, the more fees they
received, and the higher their incomes (net of costs). Under
capitation, however, they are paid a fixed fee by the
Government for all patients ‘on the books’, irrespective
of the number of those patients seeking appointments in a
given time period, and the number of visits per patient.
Government primary health care payments are no longer
treatment subsidies paid in respect of ill individuals, but
universal ‘insurance premiums’ paid in respect of well
individuals in order to ascertain access to care at less than
cost if and when the individual might require itiv.
When the capitated patient seeks treatment, a ‘top up’ fee
is paid to the GP. However, this payment will vary
between GPs, even for patients of identical capitation class,
dependent upon the number of visits made by all patients on
that GP’s books. The GP is now an insurer, underwriting
variation in patient demand for services, as well as a
provider of primary health care services. Patients of GPs with
‘sicker than average’ populations will pay higher fees,
just as the customers of insurance companies whose
policy-holders make more claims pay higher premiumsv .
The
NZPHCS rationale is that the financial incentives will
encourage GPs to engage in more preventative health care and
more efficacious treatments, thereby reducing the numbers of
visits made by sick people, and GPs’ costs. However, the
policy also exposes GPs to costs arising from factors that
they are powerless to address via clinical practices. As
insurers, they are exposed to the financial risks of
statistical variation in the distribution of patients of
varying health demands amongst practices. GPs incomes are no
longer determined principally by the amount of effort (that
is, the number of consultations provided), but by other
factors such as how healthy the patients ‘on the books’
are, and the propensity of these patients to seek
substantially more consultations for minor ailments more
amenable to cheaper treatments (e.g. over-the-counter
pharmaceuticals) as the out-of-pocket cost of visiting the
doctor declines with increases in government capitation
payments (increased consumption by the ‘worried well’).
For the first time in
New Zealand
, GPs now face an incentive to ‘cream-skim’ by declining
to take ‘onto the books’ those patients they know will be
higher than average consumers. These patients bring with them
higher costs, but only the same amount of government payments
as patients who are lower-than-average consumers costing the
GP less to serve.
Furthermore,
the higher the capitation subsidy paid (e.g. for
‘high-priority’ individuals aged under 18 and over 65) and
the greater the proportion of these higher-capitated patients
‘on the books’, the greater the financial cost to the GP
from being ‘unlucky’ enough to have a patient list with
higher-than-average demand. Associated losses will be
exacerbated by the presence of price controls constraining the
amount that can be charged to patients to recoup the
additional costs, partially explaining GPs’ recent vehement
opposition to moves by DHBs to regulate patient charges in
conjunction with an increase in capitation payments for
individuals aged 45-64 yearsvi .
‘Unlucky’ high-cost GPs prevented by price regulations
from recouping costs via patient charges must either reduce
the quality of care provided (e.g. shorter consultations), or
redress the patient demand imbalance by engaging in more
vigorous cream-skimming. Conversely, the rewards for
successful cream-skimming increase the higher the proportion
of income the GP derives from capitation. Not only do the
‘lucky’, low-cost cream-skimmers earn more income from
capitation, if they can also increase their fees in line with
those charged by the ‘unlucky’ GPs, they can earn even
higher incomes for exerting less effort.
The
degree to which the change to capitation payments exposes GP
incomes to factors entirely outside of their control (at least
in respect of the amount of health care provided) is
illustrated by junior doctors’ strike and the waiting list
cull. The policy has resulted in an ‘uncontrollable’
increase in demand for GPs’ servicesvii.
Under the fee-for-service payment policy, GPs would have been
indifferent to the effects of either of these policies as full
remuneration would have been received for each additional
visit made, from a combination of government subsidy and
patient payment. Under capitation, however, GPs must incur the
additional costs of providing consultations that they would
not have been required to make, had hospital treatment been
provided, yet they receive no additional government funding
for these additional consultations. Moreover, under the
pass-through agreements under the NZPHCS, they must charge the
respective patients the ‘subsidised’ patient charge for
the relevant capitation class – which will by necessity be
less than the full costs incurred.
As
higher-capitated populations (the young and the elderly) are
disproportionately represented in hospital waiting lists, and
those on the lists are already proven to be ill and needing
care, yet make the lowest patient payments, the costs to GPs
of the waiting list policy in particular will likely be
substantial. The additional costs are most likely to be
incurred predominantly in respect of the patient groups paying
the lowest out-of-pocket fees. In order to recoup the
additional costs imposed by the DHB policies, GPs will be
forced to raise their out-of-pocket charges to all patients in
all capitation categories. The only other alternatives to
manage the deficit are the unpalatable ones of lowering the
quality of service provided to all patients, or
’cream-skimming’ by refusing to take responsibility for
those aspects of care for which the patients have been
referred by the DHBs.
Assuming
that GPs’ ethical obligations make it unlikely that patients
will be refused treatment, the costs of increased demand for
GP services as a consequence of the DHB policies will be
higher out-of-pocket charges for all primary care patients.
The additional cost burden will be highest on the patients of
those GPs who have more patients, or a higher proportion of
higher-capitated patients, referred back. Whereas under
fee-for-service, the additional costs would have been met by
all taxpayers in proportion with their income, under the
NZPHCS, the additional costs are disproportionately borne by
sick individuals seeking GP services, because only those
falling sick and seeking GP services will pay the extra costs
via their out-of-pocket primary care payments. Healthy
individuals who do not need to see a GP pay none of the
additional costs of the waiting list and doctors’ strike
policies. In effect, the additional costs become a ‘tax’
on falling sick – the more times an individual visits a GP
and makes an out-of-pocket payment, the greater the
contribution towards the deficit induced by the DHB referral
policies.
This
appears to be neither a fair nor equitable way of allocating
what is essentially a political cost associated with the
management of waiting lists and employment disputes.
Footnotes
i
See,
for example, Full Backup Pledged During Doctors’ Strike http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/PO0606/S00127.htm
ii
See,
for example, Hospitals Turn Away 9000 cases http://www.stuff.co.nz/stuff/0,2106,3597538a7144,00.html
and
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/PA0606/S00003.htm
iii
The
policy is enumerated in Minister of Health. 2001. The Primary
Healthcare Strategy (available online at www.moh.govt.nz
; search under document name).
iv
The
‘premiums’ vary according to a complex set of criteria
determined by patient (age, gender, family income, past health
care consumption) and practice (proportion of registered
patients declaring Maori or Pacific Island ethnicity or
residing in areas denoted as Decile 9 or 10 in the NZ
Deprivation Index) characteristics.
v
For
a fuller discussion on the themes in this piece, see Howell,
Bronwyn. 2005. Restructuring Primary Health Care Markets in
New Zealand
: from Welfare Benefits to Insurance Markets.
Australia
and
New Zealand
Health Policy 2:20, 2005. http://www.anzhealthpolicy.com/content/2/1/20
and
Howell,
Bronwyn. 2005. Restructuring Primary Healthcare Markets in
New Zealand
: Financial Risk, Competition, Innovation and Governance
Implications.
New Zealand
: Institute for the Study of Competition and Regulation.
Wellington
(available online at http://www.iscr.org.nz/documents/primaryhealthcaremarkets.pdf
)
vi
See,
for example, GP Leaders’ Forum. 2006. Auckland GP meeting
told to reject govt plan. http://scoop.co.nz/stories/GE0605/S00162.htm
vii
That
is, no amount of GP effort (aside from political lobbying)
will alter the number of additional visits that will arise
from the policies. This is in contrast to the effect that
might (legitimately) be expected under the fiscal incentives
of the NZPHCS that some level of GP effort applied to
preventative treatments (e.g. vaccinations) and education will
(to some extent) reduce that GP’s future demand and hence
raise profitability
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