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Barend
Vlaardingerbroek
Barend
Vlaardingerbroek is Associate Professor of Education at the
American University of Beirut. He is an Otago PhD and is
especially interested in the upper secondary years, particularly
in the context of formal examination and certification systems.
Feedback is welcome: email bv00@aub.edu.lb
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NZCPR
Guest Forum
Making
schooling work for all
(even
those problem teenage boys)
Barend
Vlaardingerbroek
30
September 2012
I
was
quite amazed a couple of years ago to hear that almost
two-thirds of university entrants in
Iran
were female. Not that there’s anything unique about
Iran
in that respect, of course: the proportion of girls completing
secondary school in almost all countries is higher than that
for boys, and they tend to do academically better on average,
although this varies across subject areas. Boys are
overrepresented in special needs classes, drop-out and
expulsion figures, and more of them leave school without
qualifications. Committees and commissions in several
countries, NZ included, have looked into the problem of the
educational woes of boys as a group.
Boys
are no more a homogeneous group than are girls – in fact
they are arguably less so as their abilities and aptitudes
seem to exhibit wider ranges than do girls’. For instance,
there are more really ‘thick’ boys than really ‘thick’
girls, but there are also more male genii than female genii. A
greater proportion of boys are kinaesthetically inclined –
they want to tamper with physical objects – and they are
commensurately less inclined towards verbalisation. A lot has
been written and said about boys’ and girls’ different
learning styles, much of which I believe simply boils down to
the greater social maturity of adolescent girls over their
male peers. Schools are largely ‘verbal’ places which
emphasise ‘talking about’ rather than ‘doing’, and
where the maintenance of structure and order rely on a level
of social maturity that a lot of teenage boys don’t have. As
an admittedly sweeping generalisation, conventional schooling
is more a girl’s scene.
None
of the observations made in the preceding paragraph have
suddenly come about. So why has it become such an issue in the
past 20 or so years? Answer: the economy has changed. The
labour market lost its appetite for unskilled youths, the
traditional apprenticeship almost went out the window, and
governments responded to youth unemployment by raising the
school-leaving age. Many adolescents find themselves staying
on in an environment they don’t much like with little light
at the end of the tunnel to goad them on – and a
disproportionate number of the ‘losers’ since these
game-changers have been boys, specifically working-class boys
who once left school at age 15 and got a job (problem solved)
or gritted their teeth and stayed on to complete School
Certificate at the end of Form 5 so they could get into an
apprenticeship (problem solved). Educationists and people at
large started talking about how schools were failing young
people and how the curriculum wasn’t relevant – as though
the school curriculum determines vacancies in the labour
market.
School
has always been, and is still, a means to an end. That end is
the entry of emerging adults into the world of work – or
rather, as is largely the case today, the transition to higher
or further education leading on to a career track. Societies
spend megabucks on schooling and have a right to expect a
return, namely the production of young people with the
cognitive skills and attitudes towards study and work that
will turn them into productive citizens who will benefit
society in return. Only in that context can we speak of
educational expenditure as an investment, a word which implies
the expectation of a return, indeed a profit. Of course, the
investment mindset is nothing new to parents who have been
investing in their children’s future through education aimed
at a lucrative career, as many have done for centuries. The
real challenge is to get people at large to apply the same
mindset to public educational expenditure – especially
educationists who in many cases seem to have a fixation with
navel-gazing.
What
makes schooling ‘relevant’ is more about what happens after schooling than what happens during schooling, and it is the former that should guide the latter.
At the lower end, we need to focus on the universal skills of
literacy and numeracy – there is no point in discussing
career orientation given a teenager who can barely read and
write (or, I would add, needs a calculator to work out five
times four minus three). In the middle years, we expose them
to a wide variety of disciplines so that they can make
informed choices come the crucial upper secondary years. But
choice can be a two-edged sword, and the Western European
systems are more efficient than the British-derived model in
that they channel learners into ‘tracks’ – packages of
related subjects at upper secondary level that are neatly
aligned with tertiary education pathways and, ultimately,
career tracks. At school level in a system such as New
Zealand’s, the distinction between open subject choice and
tracking may become quite blurred by schools offering
particular subject combinations such as ‘three sciences plus
maths’ for students aiming at science-related university
programmes. Obviously, effective guidance is of critical
importance, and the middle school years need to be of a
standard of rigor that separates the sheep from the goats in
the various subjects.
Among
the ‘tracks’ that we find in the European systems are
technical and vocational tracks. These often involve students
being siphoned off into specialised technical schools at upper
secondary level. Some authorities treat these ‘technical
secondary schools’ as members of the secondary school system
while others do not, making school populations difficult to
compare on occasion. There is more than statistical nicety at
stake here, for there is a pronounced male bias in technical
and vocational education which balances out the female bias
that has been developing in academic secondary schooling. Male
disadvantage doesn’t disappear completely, but it is greatly
reduced when boys in technical or vocational education
paralleling academic schooling are counted as still being
‘at school’.
Bringing
‘academic’ and ‘technical/vocational’ education
together under the same qualifications framework has been a
major step forward. Like all good things, the model can be
overgeneralised: Unit Standards, which originated in the
vocational domain, are remarkably useful things where minimum
performance requirements – which may be very high – are
involved, but it was misguided to extend them to the
traditionally ‘academic’ subject areas. Unit Standards are
also tailor-made for that sizeable group of ‘problem
boys’. Many boys adopt a minimalist approach to the
acquisition of formal qualifications – they will do what is
required to attain the minimum acceptable standard and leave
it at that. Unit Standards with their two possible outcomes
– ‘Achieved/Not Achieved’ – fit the bill perfectly,
all the more so when linked to career development pathways. In
education as in romance, males are more product-oriented than
process-oriented than are females. Teenage working-class boys
in particular don’t care a hoot about learning for
learning’s sake, but many are switched on by well-defined
learning tasks with a clear, eventually occupationally-linked
outcome.
There
is just one caveat: technical/vocational education is
expensive – it requires considerable capital investments
especially at the upper secondary level. I believe these to be
worth it – given a robust terminating assessment regime,
recognised qualifications and an effective alignment with
post-school education and training options – but it does
accentuate the need for the economically rational allocation o f
resources. This includes the concentration rather than
dispersion of technical/vocational education resources, and
makes a strong case for the separate technical upper secondary
schools that are a common feature of continental European
systems. In the NZ context, the ‘seamless’ nature of the
National Qualifications Framework has seen polytechs offering
courses at NCEA1-3 level (‘high school level’), another
good example of rational resource use. It also supports the
case for single-sex schooling, as workshop technology
resources at a boys high school will serve a considerably
larger number of students than in a co-ed school of the same
student population. But that opens up another issue which,
while certainly relevant to the matter of ‘problem boys’,
space will not allow me to pursue on this occasion.
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