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NZCPR
Guest Forum
Opinion piece by Prof Glenn Boyle
15 September 2007
Regulating
Finance Companies: Act in Haste, Repent at Leisure
The
woes of finance companies have been much in the news recently.
A combination of small and/or undiversified loan portfolios,
impenetrable business models, ructions emanating from the
collapse of the United States sub-prime mortgage market, and a
self-fulfilling loss of confidence by New Zealand investors in
the safety of their money, have seen nine such companies
collapse in the last 18 months.
Predictably,
this has lead to widespread calls for the government to impose
further regulation on the finance sector, and to do so
quickly. But will additional regulation enhance economic
efficiency and welfare? And can it even succeed in providing
meaningful protection to individual investors?
One
of the most common recommendations (and one adopted by the
government this week) is that all finance companies be
required to obtain a credit rating from an established
international rating agency such as Standard and Poor’s or
Moody’s.
However,
the recent round of global financial volatility has been
characterised by the failure of ratings to provide any
reasonable prediction of company failure. When one peers into
the black box of the mechanics of credit ratings, this is
unsurprising. Like most financial models, ratings are based on
a combination of complex mathematical reasoning and
sophisticated statistical analysis. Most of the time this
works well, but the estimated relationships tend to break down
when systemic problems arise – which of course is exactly
when one needs them most. As a result, credit ratings are
often little more than an expensive way of obtaining a false
sense of security.
Another
suggestion is that a system of continuous disclosure should be
imposed on finance companies. Under such a regime, any piece
of information that could potentially affect the financial
viability of a company would have to be publicly disclosed as
soon as the company became aware of it. At a superficial
level, this sounds attractive, but its effectiveness is
doubtful: NZX’s disclosure regime – via listed parent
company VTL Group - patently failed to protect investors in
Nathans.
And
in the case of finance companies, it displays a rather weak
understanding of how markets actually work. For securities
with an active secondary market, continuous disclosure can be
useful because it allows investors to adjust their portfolios
in response to relevant news, the net effect of which is then
reflected in the security’s price. But no organised
secondary market exists for finance company debentures, so the
only trading mechanism available to investors is to redeem
their money directly from the company. If enough investors do
this – and it wouldn’t have to be very many – the
company may experience a serious liquidity crisis, even when
the supposedly adverse information is of a relatively minor
nature and the company’s asset portfolio is fundamentally
sound. In short, applying a continuous disclosure regime to
finance companies runs the risk of precipitating the very
event it is supposed to prevent.
Another
proposal advocates a deposit insurance regime for finance
companies. By eliminating the need for investors to monitor
their investments, and reducing the need for finance company
managers to maintain prudent lending policies, the most likely
consequence of attempts to “protect” investors in this way
is an increase
in
the number of troubled finance companies. This is exactly what
happened in the United States during the 1980s. An oil and
real estate-fuelled boom, combined with fully insured
depositors failing to impose discipline, saw the emergence of
lax bank lending policies.
Eventually
it all turned to custard – many banks collapsed, the
insurance fund was bankrupted, and taxpayers were left holding
a huge liability. While some limited form of deposit insurance
for banks may
be
justified in order to protect the integrity of the payments
system and maintain confidence, extending it to finance
companies is a bridge too far. The systemic extent of the
finance company “problem” is, in any event, easily
oversold.
Currently,
paper losses amount to a little over $1billion – much of
which may eventually be recovered – a figure that is
approximately equal to a 1% fall in the value of the NZ
stockmarket. What then is driving this clamour for the
government to “do something” about finance companies? When
confronted with requests for additional regulation, the
sensible economist asks a simple question: what’s in it for
the group doing the requesting? Viewed in this light, things
become clearer. Banks and
other financial advisors like credit ratings because they can
use these as a substitute for detailed analysis, thereby
reducing costs. But this reveals another potential drawback of
mandatory credit ratings for finance companies – a decline
in the quantity and quality of local analysis. And it is
unsurprising that an incumbent stock exchange would wish to
impose additional costs on competitor savings vehicles such as
finance companies.
None
of this denies the possible need for sensible oversight of
finance companies (and the additional Trustee powers mandated
by the Securities Commission may be a good example of this).
But recent collapses have been largely precipitated by an
international correction to credit risk pricing, against which
no amount of local regulation can offer much protection.
Ultimately, the best defence against unexpected loss is likely
to come from two sources: enhanced financial literacy that
enables investors to sensibly evaluate risk-return tradeoffs;
and the inevitable consolidation in the finance company sector
that will leave each company better able to withstand
liquidity shocks. But the only government intervention that
can guarantee
investors
won’t lose money is the one that prohibits them investing
that money in the first place.
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