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NZCPR
Guest Forum
Sir Roger Douglas
29 March 08
“Kids
– it’s time to come home”
Thirty
years ago, I told the Labour Party conference that
New Zealand
stood at the economic crossroads.
That there were no soft options left.
That unless we changed our ways,
New Zealand
was headed for disaster. That
proved to be dead right.
When
Labour became the government in July 1984, New Zealand was
more or less broke.
Yet within five years, by 1989, in many fundamental
respects, we were ahead of
Australia
. We’d left them
behind in a number of areas.
We were making stronger progress towards a reliable
growth economy than they were.
By
1995 and up until 2001, our growth rate was equivalent to, or
higher than, that of Australia, thanks to the reforms of
1984-92.
By
2008 however, after 9 years of a Clark/Cullen government,
we’ve fallen way behind
Australia
.
Per
capita income is 30 percent lower than Australia.
Soon our incomes will rise 1 precent but theirs will
rise 2 percent. And
in 10 years’ time we’ll be 40 percent behind. 40,000 Kiwis
leave for Australia each year. When will it reach 100,000?
What will New Zealand look like then?
New Zealand wages are $100 per week lower than
Tasmania’s. Why then have we fallen so far behind?
There
are a large number of reasons, but one stands out.
And that is
New Zealand
’s pathetic productivity growth since this government came
to power. Down from 2.3 percent from 1992-2000 to an average
of 0.9 percent from 2000-2006.
Nine-tenths of one percent – and still declining over
2007 and 2008.
Why
has our productivity growth rate fallen so far behind
Australia
?
This
government has time and again deliberately sacrificed New
Zealand’s economic growth at the altar of short-term
political self-interest.
Government
spending is up by over $20 billion since 1999.
$10 billion in real terms.
Even if the spending had been good value for money
(which it certainly hasn’t been), the high costs of taxation
have been a huge millstone around the neck of the economy.
There’s
been so much poor value government spending: Corporate
welfare; Interest-free student loans; KiwiSaver; Working for
families; More and more bureaucrats.
There’s never been a better time to be a commercial
building owner in Wellington.
On
average, we’re each $300 a week worse off than our
Australian counterparts. Just the increase in poor value
spending since this government came to power is probably
costing each and every one of us more than $20 a week. Running
state-owned enterprises will be costing you another $20 a
week.
Given
the disastrous position New Zealand finds itself in, what then
has been the reaction of New Zealand’s main political
parties – Labour, National, the Greens and NZ First?
They’ve
all retreated to a dangerous do-nothing approach. Given this
collective reaction, it can be fairly said that there’s
virtually no difference between these parties, except to some
degree in the social policy area. None of them have a clear
vision of where New Zealand stands and where they want to take
it. None of them have a 10 - 20 year goal for New Zealand.
None of them have a well thought-out plan to achieve that
goal. None of them have the guts to do what’s right for New
Zealand.
Until
we form a clear and coherent view of our destination, it’s
pointless to plague ourselves with questions about how to get
there. We need an
exciting goal to spark our people into action.
And
it shouldn’t be a vague goal.
It must be a smart goal – that is, one that’s
specific, measurable, achievable, right for
New Zealand
and time-bound.
My
suggested smart goal is that New Zealand should aim to beat
Australia by 2020!
In
other words, by 2020,
New Zealand
would lead
Australia
in most of the important economic and social indicators, and
be catching up fast in per capita income.
A
by-product of achieving this goal is that it would send a very
welcoming message to around 400,000 new Zealanders who now
live in
Australia
. Our children,
our grandchildren, 10 percent of our population - it would say
to them, “kids, it’s time to come home.”
And soon, every year we’d be faced with the very
pleasant problem of having to cope with the tens of thousands
of them who accept our offer to return.
It happened in
Ireland
and it can happen here.
Since
1984 there’s been a moral shift in this country.
It’s expressed in the moral foundation of the market.
Markets are a hugely positive thing.
Everyone who goes from shop to shop comparing the
prices of dresses or books or power tools is using the market
to get the best deal.
Markets
work. Markets, as
I have said, bring opportunity, variety and wealth to all of
us. Monopolies on the other hand do the opposite
That’s
the difference in a nutshell.
State-run monopolies were the largest feature of the
New Zealand
economy when Labour came to power in 1984, and they were the
single largest reason why we were headed for third world
status.
You
don’t have to be an economist or a financier to realise why
monopolies are almost invariably bad, it’s a moral thing.
The
reason is this. The
people who run monopolies don’t have to please the people
who are forced to use them.
They
browbeat you. They
tell you to take it or leave it.
Under monopolies, you’re often not treaded as a
customer, you’re a troublemaker.
On
the other hand, markets make the individual important.
Companies have to care about individuals, otherwise they go
broke. If they
don’t care, they don’t exist.
In
an open economy, companies exert themselves to give you what
you want, when you want it, and at a price you can afford.
In
the ten years following the 1984 election, monopolies were
swept away.
As
a result we are today literally spoilt for choice across a
whole range of goods and services from motorcars to household
furnishings, you name it, we have it (unless the government
has a monopoly in that area) and often at prices cheaper than
say
Hong Kong
.
If
the effects of doing away with monopolies have been so good in
these areas, why shouldn’t the same be true for the last
remaining big four monopolies that are still dragging this
country backwards?
Why
shouldn’t we expect the same enormous gains in service,
technical innovations and value for money in health,
education, social welfare (unemployment, sickness and
accident) and in superannuation?
It
is only by treating people as individuals, by making them
important, will these services come right.
Now, every political party says they’re going to make
this happen – but when it comes to what they’ll actually
do, it comes down to giving a whole lot more money, power and
resources to the current system – a system that is clearly
not working.
The
fact is that competition makes things work better for people.
Why then have we, as a country, given so much of our personal
power and our personal substance over to politicians?
Perhaps
part of the reason is the fear people have of making a
mistake.
Our
fear of making a little mistake which could easily be
corrected with little consequence has led us to make one big
one. We’ve
handed over our money and sovereignty to the politicians and
in return we’ve got a health, education, social welfare and
superannuation system that can’t deliver.
Why? Because
they’re monopolies and monopolies make mistakes, like we all
do – but the crucial point is they don’t have the
mechanisms or the incentives to correct them quickly (if at
all).
You
can see this difference most clearly in agriculture.
New Zealand
agriculture is probably the most successful in the world and
it certainly isn’t dictated to from
Wellington
.
Innovators
are free to discover new ways to fence paddocks, better ways
to hang a gate or more productive land uses.
New
ideas when they work spread through
New Zealand
agriculture within a season or two.
And mistakes are quickly downsized.
That’s
the essence of how free markets, competition and choice
operate.
When
the state monopolies run things they don’t expose their
ideas to competition and that has a very real effect on our
lives.
So
we had a reading programme pushed by advocates through all New
Zealand that was based on the debatable idea that children
should recognise whole words rather than work them out from
the letters. We’re
still debating its effectiveness.
What we do know however, is that 40% of our young
people leave school without adequate reading skills.
In these circumstances, how we will ever catch
Australia
is beyond me.
Remember,
monopolies breed arrogance while markets bring opportunity,
diversity and wealth.
One
example of a policy which would move education, health, risk
insurance (sickness, accident, unemployment), superannuation
to a market model is as follows: Between the ages of 18-65,
every New Zealander would be able to earn an income of $30,000
tax free. This
would reduce the amount of tax they pay by $6,000 thereby
increasing their net income in the hand by the same amount.
This
tax free income level of $30,000 would be increased by an
amount that ensured the following extra income on top of the
$6,000: For a non-working spouse $5,000, for every dependent
child $500.
In
addition, an educational scholarship equal to the cost of
public education today would be made available to every child
in the family. This
educational scholarship could be spent at any approved school
parents choose.
How
would the extra income be spent?
First
on risk insurance: Accident insurance; Sickness; Unemployment;
Healthcare; Out-of-pocket healthcare costs. Any balance would
go towards retirement savings (until savings reached a level
sufficient to provide for the needs of individuals in
retirement – health insurance and retirement income),
thereafter it could continue to be saved or spent.
It
would be paid for from the existing fiscal surplus, a transfer
of the existing super fund into individual accounts, the
reduction in welfare payments, changes in the area of tertiary
education, savings in existing government expenditure, savings
in government interest payments, increases in government
revenue (growth), efficiencies in the health and education
sectors, and increased tax revenue from the move back into the
workforce of students and beneficiaries.
The
Clark/Cullen government has increasingly labelled opponents
who seek change as seeking heartless efficiency at the expense
of equity. The
reality is that without efficiency, equity is impossible.
Waste consumes resources, people’s time and energy
that would otherwise be used to improve outcomes throughout
the community. Wasting
people’s time and ability is of no use to anyone.
Yet that’s what we do now.
It
is a nonsense to pretend that a change in the status quo is a
reduction in the overall level of equity.
That’s simply putting the politics of doing nothing
ahead of everyone’s wellbeing.
We can and we should do better.
But we won’t do better with the same old failed
policies.
If
New Zealand
is to succeed, we need to implement programmes designed to go
to the root of the country’s difficulties, and give lasting
benefit to
New Zealand
. We need to do
that without fear or favour, we need the guts to do what we
know is right.
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