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Dr Karen Hartshorn is Director of
Translational Research at the new National Centre for Lifecourse
Research, of which the Dunedin Study is a founding partner.
She arrived at the Centre, based at the University of Otago,
after studying at Harvard and Cambridge universities and working
in science communication. This article is based on a
speech given by Dunedin Study Director Richie Poulton in 2007.
For more information visit:
http://www.lifecourse.ac.nz
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Guest Forum
Dr
Karen Hartshorn
4
May 2008
Investing
in Children
Thirty
years ago, Phil Silva (the founding director of the Dunedin
Study) wrote that New Zealanders invested more time and care
in maintaining their cars than they did their children.
Since
then, a number of programmes geared towards monitoring
childhood health have been developed – warrants of fitness
for kids, if you will. These
include Plunket visits, the Well Child programme, and, most
recently, the “B4 School” checkups announced by the
government. At the same time, news and current affairs has
highlighted children’s issues – their increasing levels of
poor behaviour and increasing violence towards them, for
example.
So,
are more programmes focussing on early childhood development
the way forward? When
is the right time to focus on behavioural and health issues?
This
is where I digress a little and introduce the Dunedin
Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study (henceforth
shortened to Dunedin Study), and her sister study, the
Christchurch Health and Development Study.
Both are longitudinal studies, meaning that they have
each followed the same group of babies born in the 1970’s
right through to present day.
In the case of the Dunedin Study, this equals 1,000 or
so people, who have been assessed every few years since they
were three years old; they’re turning 35 now.
The
study has examined and described in great detail their life
pathways: pathways to violence, sadness, obesity, heart
disease, STD’s, and failures in work, family life and
relationships.
Not
all the research is negative, by any means, but I focus on the
negative pathways because those are the ones that governments
are interested in, that media pay attention to, and that
advocacy groups focus on.
Public money is usually invested in programmes that
will ideally decrease negative outcomes, and lead to happy,
healthy people.
What,
then, are the most effective and cost effective ways of
turning those negative outcomes into positive ones?
We believe that the answer is simple and
straightforward: what happens in childhood is critical and has
far-reaching implications for how peoples’ lives turn out,
the choices they have, and their capability to take advantage
of positive opportunities.
This
means early intervention, and even before that, prevention.
Preventing children from starting down the negative
pathways means better outcomes in adulthood, and that in turn
means less demand on health, justice and social services.
What we’re really talking about is the
fence-at-the-top-of-the-cliff rather than the
ambulance-at-the-bottom approach.
How
can we say this so conclusively?
And how do we know prevention would be effective?
Because all the evidence, gathered over 35 years, shows
that this is the case. The
Dunedin Study has published research time and again showing
that adult problems – physical, mental, and behavioural –
can quite often be traced back to childhood and early
adolescence.
ANTISOCIAL
BEHAVIOUR – CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES
I’ll
give one extended example here, that of antisocial behaviour.
For approximately 10% of males, the pathway to antisocial
behaviour begins very early in life and continues right
through to adulthood. They are called “life-course
persistent” in terms of antisocial behaviour.
These are the kids who bullied in the sandpit and drove
primary teachers to distraction, then as they grew up
graduated to stealing and violence.
Many
people on the life-course persistent pathway to antisocial
behaviour have societal, family or neurocognitive difficulties
from the start. They
are more likely to experience single parenting, a young
mother, or a mother who had poor mental health.
They may have experienced harsh discipline as kids,
moved frequently between caregivers, or been exposed to family
conflict. Some
neurological factors are inherent – the kids may score lower
on childhood reading tests, or show early tendencies to
attention problems or hyperactivity.
That
life-course persistent antisocial behaviour is linked to bad
relationships, criminal behaviour and poor mental health in
adulthood. Recently,
we have also found that the same group is at a much higher
risk for a range of adult physical health problems as well.
These problems can include heart disease, chronic
bronchitis, high rates of injuries, and high rates of health
services use.
Life-course
persistent antisocial behaviour also accounts for a much
higher proportion in terms of burdens to the health, social
and justice systems – they commit half of the crimes, and
their poor physical health as adults eats up a higher
percentage of public health monies.
Another
group, making up about 20% of the population, have
unremarkable childhoods, but then begin to engage in
antisocial behaviour as adolescents.
They are called the “adolescent-onset” group. Many
of them stop the antisocial-behaviour by adulthood, though
some do continue on. The
driving force behind the antisocial behaviour for this group
appears to be their peers; it’s before they assume adult
responsibilities but while they are trying to be independent
from their families. Influence
from peers, therefore, becomes the most significant factor
pushing them towards antisocial behaviour.
INTERVENTIONS
The
implications for intervention from these findings are clear.
For the lifecourse-persistent group, for example, you
need to intervene with both the child and their family as
early as possible. For the adolescent-onset group, the worst
thing you could do would be group intervention, as much of the
influence comes from peers (as an aside, think of the role of
prisons as a large group intervention, which may explain why
antisocial behaviour may actually expand rather than
diminish).
There
is also a lot to be said for having a clinical psychologist in
every primary school in the country.
Of course, that is also an expensive solution.
What
about an intervention that is widely accessible, cheap, easy
to use and effective? An
example of this already exists – it’s an online programme
created in
Australia
to fit with the health and personal development curriculum of
most schools. Modules
deal with issues such as bullying, stress, alcohol, sex ed,
cannabis and depression. Since
using the internet is something that most 21st
Century children are already familiar with, this seems an
obvious way to go.
This
particular solution, called CLIMATE.tv, is of course not the
only solution. It’s
aimed at intermediate/early secondary level kids, and there is
a great argument for intervening earlier than that in many
cases. Other
researchers have proposed that the critical time, in terms of
behavioural returns on monetary investment, is before the age
of 5.
There
is plenty we don’t know about 21st Century kids
in
New Zealand
– remember that the
Dunedin
and
Christchurch
data tracked kids growing up in the 1970’s and 1980’s.
Luckily, two new longitudinal studies, one focussing on
Pacific
Islands
families since 2000 and one beginning in
Auckland
and the
Waikato
next year, will soon begin to provide the data on 21st
Century children.
However,
we can say now that attention to children, early in their
lives, may be the single best way of giving social, health and
economic benefits to
New Zealand
, now and well into the future.
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