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Dr Muriel Newman
Contact Muriel:
Email: muriel@nzcpr.com
Phone 09 4343 836
or 021 800 111
PO Box 984, Whangarei
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29
February 2008
Undermining
Democracy
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The
freedom of speech, including the freedom to criticise the
government, has always been central to the healthy functioning
of a democracy. The underlying principle of a democracy is
that the ultimate power rests with the people, and the
underlying virtue is that the transition from one
administration to another occurs quickly and without
bloodshed. This is in stark contrast to dictatorships where
change is measured in generations rather than years, and the
catalyst for change is revolution not election.
Just
this week the military regime in our Pacific neighbour Fiji,
used violence and intimidation in their on-going campaign to
silence public opposition. A newspaper publisher was deported
without warning for publishing articles critical of a member
of the interim government.
Prime
Minister Helen Clark spoke out against this serious threat to
media freedom in Fiji, stating, “I’m very concerned at
this attempt to shut down freedom of speech and media”. She
also described as a “disturbing turn of events” the fact
that the Commissioner of Police had warned the public to avoid
criticising the government.
What
is ironic about Helen Clark’s comments is that while she
defends the freedom of speech and the public’s right to
criticise their government in Fiji, here at home, she has done
everything in her power to silence criticism of her government
in this crucial election year.
The
Labour Government – with the support of the Greens and New
Zealand First - passed the Electoral Finance Act just before
Christmas. The Act effectively prevents the public from
criticising the government during the whole of election year.
They have achieved this by firstly forcing anyone who wants to
campaign against the government to register with the state and
subject themselves to audits, and secondly, by intimidating
those who breach the Act (and its precise meaning is far from
clear) with hefty fines or imprisonment.
Under
the penalty provisions of the Act, search warrants can be
issued, and computers, files and other goods seized. Further,
a conviction of ‘illegal’ practice for unwittingly
exceeding spending limits carries a maximum fine of $40,000,
with a conviction of ‘corrupt’ practice for knowingly
exceeding spending limits, carrying a maximum fine of $100,000
and two years in jail.
These
penalties are so harsh that the Human Rights Commission
predicted they would have a “chilling effect” on the
public. That is exactly what is happening, and in reality it
is not too different from the intimidation in Fiji that Helen
Clark has been protesting about.
But
Labour’s hypocrisy is not just limited to the freedom of
speech provisions in the Electoral Finance Act. They have
scored a “home goal”, by deliberately trying to avoid
having to disclose a secret donation, in spite of claiming
that they were introducing the Act to crack down on secret
donations!
In this case, the interest that would have been payable on the
much publicised $100,000 loan from billionaire industrialist
Owen Glenn, was conveniently “forgotten” when the Labour
Party denied they had received other donations from him. This
has seriously damaged their credibility and undermines the
entire need for the law change.
When
democratic governments become so arrogant that they can no
longer recognise their own hypocrisy, voters usually decide it
is time for a change. That’s what the latest political
opinion polls indicate is now taking place.
Helen
Clark’s response to her fall in the polls has been to blame
the New Zealand Herald. It is deeply ironic that on the one
hand she can support the free press in Fiji, but on the other
attack the free press in New Zealand.
Helen
Clark and her husband have accused the Herald of playing
dirty. At the heart of their criticism is the strong lead
taken by the Herald in opposing the Electoral Finance Act. Yet
as the fourth estate, the media stands as the fourth pillar of
a free democracy - alongside the Executive, Parliament, and
the Judiciary – acting not only as a watchdog over
government, but as a fearless defender of free speech.
New
Zealand’s Electoral Commission explains it this way: “The
health of a representative democracy rests on the public’s
access to crucial information, first, during an election
campaign to discover what candidates promise to do if elected,
and second, throughout a government’s term to check whether
they keep their promises. The media plays a vital role in
passing on this information. It is through the media that
the link between the governed and the government is
maintained; most voters ‘meet’
their representatives, not in person, but through the media.
Increasingly the media are also seen as the most effective
‘watchdog of government’ – holding it to account for its
actions”.
Karl
Du Fresne, a freelance journalist and former Editor of the
Dominion, is this week’s NZCPR Guest Commentator. In his
opinion piece, “Free Speech, Anyone”, Karl observes:
“New Zealanders are among the
freest citizens in the world in terms of their right to
express themselves. While not entrenched in supreme law here,
as it is in America’s First Amendment, this right is no less
real. It has been
upheld and promoted by enlightened judges, liberal-minded
politicians and public servants such as the Ombudsman, all of
whom recognise that democracy cannot function without free
speech. It was given legislative force in the Bill of Rights
Act 1990, which holds that everyone has the right to “seek,
receive and impart information and opinion of any kind and in
any form”. But it is a right that is under constant,
insidious attack”.
Karl explains the various motivations given by governments for
suppressing free speech, but concludes that more often than
not, the reason is naked political self interest:
“But perhaps the most common reason for suppressing free
speech is naked political self-interest. We have seen this
recently in the form of the Electoral Finance Act. Strip away
all the sophistry surrounding this legislation, and we are
left with one stark fact. The most fundamental act of the
citizen in a democracy, the casting of an informed vote, is
now hedged about by a thicket of bewildering rules about who
can legally say what in election year. Politicians who insist
that this will not inhibit political discussion are either naïve
or dishonest, and I don’t think they are naïve”. Click
here to read Karl’s article
>>>
The Electoral Finance Act is already claiming victims.
David Moore, the young man who ran the “dontvotelabour”
website was forced to remove it or face a $10,000 fine for
failing to disclose his home address on the site, which the
Electoral Commission had deemed to be an election
advertisement.
The Engineering, Printing and Manufacturing Union, which has
applied for registration as a third party so it can spend up
to $120,000 campaigning, is
likely to be another victim. As an affiliate of the
Labour Party, it looks like their application will be refused
since third party registration is not permitted for
organisations that are involved in the administration of the
affairs of a political party.
These are undoubtedly the first of many casualties.
Last year, John Boscawen, an ardent opponent of the new law,
spent $150,000 of his own money campaigning against the
Electoral Finance Bill. He has pledged to continue his
campaign right through to the election. This week NZCPR’s Mid
Week Politics features an interview with John. I asked him
why he is so passionate about this issue:
The
law is wrong. Parliament ignored both the Human Rights
Commission and the Electoral Commission on such as basic issue
as the freedom of speech. These are bodies set up to protect
the rights of ordinary New Zealanders. They are run by state
servants, independent of the government. No government should
be able to override such basic protection mechanisms in such a
unilateral way.
I asked John what outcome he
would like to see as a result of his initiatives:
In
the short term as a very minimum, changes need to be made to
the Act to bring it at least partly in line with what both the
Human Rights Commission and the Electoral Commission
recommended. The Human Rights Commission wanted the
restrictions on free speech to apply for no more than three
months prior to the election. The Electoral Commission
concluded to be effective a campaign would likely cost
$250,000 to $300,000 and recommended that the maximum spending
limit be set at the higher end of this range. By setting the
maximum spending limit at $120,000 (rather than $250-300,000)
and having the restrictions apply for a full election year
(rather than three months) parliament has ignored these two
independent bodies and passed a law that unduly restricts the
right of its citizens.
Finally,
I asked John how people who oppose the Government’s ban on
free speech can help:
I suspect one of the
reasons MPs pushed on and passed the Act was that they
believed that New Zealanders would soon forget what had
happened and would be prepared to sit back and simply accept
that their freedom had been taken from them. I need as many
people as I can get to help me demonstrate this is not true. To
read the interview – and to help John in his campaign - click
here>>>
The Herald ran an on-line poll asking “Who’s to blame for
Labour’s fall in the polls? They reported that 80 percent of
the 3,000 respondents believed Labour was to blame for the
polling troubles, 16 percent blamed “the media” and 4
percent blamed National.
This
week’s poll: This
week we ask NZCPR readers who they think is to blame for
Labour’s polling troubles – Labour, National or the media?
Go
to Poll >>>
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