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30
March 2008
Motivating
a Nation
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Last
year, the Human Rights Commission warned that the Electoral
Finance Act would have “a chilling effect on the expression
of public opinion during an election year”.
There
is such a notable lack of debate about crucial public policy
issues that you could be excused for not realising that we are
already a quarter of the way through to the latest possible
date for the 2008 election - Saturday 15 November.
That’s
why Sir Roger Douglas’s entry into the debate about the
future direction of the country has been so interesting. Sir
Roger was the architect of New Zealand’s economic reform
programme back in 1984, at a time when the country was on the
verge of bankruptcy. These reforms included cutting taxes,
floating the dollar, dismantling trade barriers, establishing
a framework for stable monetary and fiscal policy, and
overhauling the public service to dramatically increase
productivity and ease the government out of commercial
activities.
While
both the political left - and sometimes even the right - think
it beneficial to their electoral chances to hysterically
demonise Sir Roger, the reality is that after initial
opposition, his reform programme gained such widespread
support across the country that Labour was re-elected in 1987
with an increased majority. Those who may doubt that simply
need to ask if they would like to return to the pre-Douglas
reform days.
In
2006 Sir Roger’s contribution was recognised when
Deloitte/Management Magazine presented him with their
Visionary Leader Award, stating that what was so extraordinary
about Sir Roger was that his vision “transcended political
parties”.
Sir
Roger is this week’s NZCPR Guest Commentator. He believes
that New Zealand again desperately needs an ambitious goal to
pull us out of the doldrums.
“Given the disastrous position New Zealand finds itself in,
what then has been the reaction of New Zealand’s main
political parties – Labour, National, the Greens and NZ
First? They’ve all retreated to a dangerous do-nothing
approach. Given this collective reaction, it can be fairly
said that there’s virtually no difference between these
parties, except to some degree in the social policy area. None
of them have a clear vision of where New Zealand stands and
where they want to take it. None of them have a 10 - 20 year
goal for New Zealand. None of them have a well thought-out
plan to achieve that goal. None of them have the guts to do
what’s right for New Zealand.
“Until
we form a clear and coherent view of our destination, it’s
pointless to plague ourselves with questions about how to get
there. We need an
exciting goal to spark our people into action. And it
shouldn’t be a vague goal.
It must be a smart goal – that is, one that’s
specific, measurable, achievable, right for New Zealand and
time-bound”.
Sir
Roger goes on to explain what this goal should be.
“My
suggested smart goal is that New Zealand should aim to beat
Australia by 2020! In other words, by 2020, New Zealand would
lead Australia in most of the important economic and social
indicators, and be catching up fast in per capita income”.
To read Sir Roger’s commentary and how he thinks we can
achieve that goal, click
here >>>
The
latest TVNZ Colmar Brunton survey shows that consumer
confidence is plummeting with 65 percent of voters now
believing that the economy will be in a worse state in a
year’s time. This negative sentiment is understandable.
Driving it are concerns about the increase in interest rates,
the downturn in the housing market, and rapidly rising prices.
Key amongst those are skyrocketing petrol prices, which, on
top of big increases in the price of milk, bread and cheese -
and rising mortgages – are all putting real pressure on
household budgets.
With
the election looming, we need to know what the various
political parties intend to do to turn the situation around.
Clearly
tax cuts are going to be on the agenda – both Labour and
National have promised as much. The question is whether they
will be structured in such a way as to not only ease the
burden on taxpayers, but give the economy the boost it needs.
People respond to incentives. Even those who know nothing off Adam Smith or Milton Friedman make cost benefit decisions. This is why consumers queue at mid-night ahead of a petrol price rise, mob retail outlets for the Boxing Day sales, or camp outside Ticketek to buy tickets to a popular event when they first go on sale.
And
so it is with tax rates. When tax rates are seen to be
“reasonable”, they encourage work, savings investment and
entrepreneurial activity. But when they are seen to be
“unreasonable”, they discourage productive behaviour and
motivate the “black” economy. That’s why punitive
progressive taxes targeting the “wealthy” are so damaging
to an economy. Such “political” taxes discourage and
penalise wealth creation, in spite of successful economies
being built on wealth creation.
When
Labour became the government in 1999, one of the first laws
they passed (under urgency) was an increase in the top tax
rate from 33 to 39 cents in the dollar. They promised that
this tax hike would only affect the 5 percent of taxpayers who
earned over $60,000. Today 14 percent of taxpayers now pay the
top rate of tax because Dr Cullen has conveniently omitted to
adjust the tax thresholds for wage inflation.
The
effect on families is significant. While the average wage has
risen 29.9 percent since 2001, the amount of tax paid on the
average wage has increased by 43.7 percent. On top of that
there has been a 20 percent increase in the Consumer Price
Index. It’s no wonder that household budgets are being
squeezed by higher prices and higher taxation.
The
Fraser Institute, a Canadian based think tank, has studied the
impact of taxes on economic behaviour. They have found clear
evidence that “high and increasing marginal taxes contribute
to lower rates of economic growth, reduced rates of personal
income growth, lower rates of capital formation, lower than
expected aggregate labour supply, and reduced
entrepreneurship. In short, high and increasing marginal tax
rates reduce economic growth by creating strong disincentives
to hard work, savings, investment, and entrepreneurship”.
In
particular they found that “a 5 percentage point rise in
marginal tax rates would reduce the proportion of
entrepreneurs who make new capital investment by 10.4 percent.
Further, such a tax increase would lower average capital
investment by 9.9 percent” (see “The
impact of taxes on economic behaviour” >>>)
A
lack of capital investment in business is a key factor in New
Zealand’s dismal productivity growth. In his paper “Why is
Australia So Much Richer than New Zealand?” CIS’s Phil
Rennie found that for every hour of work Australians produce
an extra 37 percent of output over New Zealanders, not because
they work harder but because New Zealanders invest less in new
tools and workplace technology. Labour’s tax increases have
clearly exacerbated this problem.
So
looking ahead, what sorts of tax cuts can we expect?
Almost
certainly Labour’s tax cut package will retain its
progressive nature in order to achieve their goal of
redistribution (as one would expect given their underlying
philosophy is to take from the “haves” and give to the
“have nots”). That effect is to create a disincentive for
income and wealth creation, while incentivising wealth
consumers. In the long run this will result in a further
decline in productivity and living standards.
National’s
tax cuts on the other hand are likely to be larger and will
probably follow the Government’s 2001 Tax Review
recommendations that the tax structure should be lower and
flatter with business tax rates aligned to personal taxes.
But
if we are really serious about beating Australia by 2020,
shouldn’t we be calling for more than tinkering?
Contrary
to the political rhetoric promoted by Labour and its ally
organisations, tax cuts that stimulate growth and productivity
are not inflationary. There is countless research that shows
this to be so. More
than 20 jurisdictions are now using a flat tax as a proven
instrument of sound fiscal policy to stimulate high levels of
economic growth. Leading the flat tax charge is the island
Jersey which introduced a flat tax of 20 percent in 1940. Hong
Kong followed with 16 percent in 1947 and Guernsey with 20
percent in 1960. In 1994, the former communist country of
Estonia was next to introduce a flat tax, followed by Latvia
in 1995 and Lithuania in 1996. These three Baltic nations are
now growing so fast they have become known as the “Baltic
Tigers”. This year the Czech Republic will introduce a flat
tax of 15 percent and Bulgaria a flat tax of 10 percent. (More
information on the remarkable
transformation of Estonia can be found on the outstanding
video “The Power of Choice” – click
here >>>)
Countries
introducing flat taxes have something in common… they have
been prepared to introduce bold policy changes - just like Sir
Roger did for New Zealand in the 1980s. They have recognised
that tinkering with marginal tax rates here and there is
simply not enough to really motivate a nation.
The
critical issue for New Zealand is whether our politicians have
the intestinal fortitude and the intellectual foresight to be
bold before the economic crisis hits. If not, the inevitable
reforms will be delayed yet again, and our standard of living
will continue to decline.
The
poll this week asks: Do you think that beating
Australia by 2020 is a worthwhile goal for New Zealand? Go
to Poll >>>
PS.
If you are interested in examining the effects of various tax
options and the cost to the economy, the
NZIER website has a tax calculator which enables you to
calculate the effect on your family income of tax changes
including adjustments to rates, thresholds, income splitting,
tax-free thresholds and so on – to use the tax calculator click
here>>>)
PPS.
If you are interested in looking further into the effects on
an economy of tax cuts a series of short videos by Dr Dan
Mitchell of the Cato Institute are well worth a view - click
here >>>
If you
would like to comment on this issue please click
>>>
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