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20
September 2009
Capital
Gains Tax not the Answer
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Former Prime Minister David Lange is reputed to have
described a capital gains tax as the sort of tax you introduce
if you want to lose not just one election, but the next three!
And he should know since the Fourth Labour Government
considered a capital gains tax back in 1988, eventually
rejecting it as being too difficult. Sadly, they also rejected
the flat tax proposed by then Finance Minister Roger Douglas,
which would have aligned personal income and company tax at
around 23 percent. The introduction of a low flat tax - in
conjunction with a low GST consumption tax - would have
transformed New Zealand into a first world economy instead of
the third world economy with first world spending habits that
we are today.
As a result of the present economic recession – and
reckless spending by the Labour administration– the
government’s income and expenditure are now seriously out of
kilter. Income taxes, which make up almost a half of the
government’s tax revenue, are falling as wages come under
pressure and unemployment rises. GST, which accounts for
around 22 percent of government tax revenue is also down as
families tighten their belts and spend less. And company tax,
which contributes around 15 percent of government tax
revenues, has had its bottom line squeezed between rising
costs and falling sales.
However, instead of reducing spending to match their
lower income (as most households and businesses are having to
do), the government is looking for new ways to increase tax
revenue. They started by cancelling our promised tax cuts,
saving an estimated $1 billion. And the proposed emissions
trading scheme, which puts a price on carbon across the
economy, is being described by many as yet another tax grab.
Earlier this year a high level group of private and
public sector tax experts were appointed by the government to
a Tax Working Group to review New Zealand’s tax system.
Their principal objective is to find ways of broadening the
tax base so the government can meet its medium term objective
of reducing the top rate of personal, trustee, and company
income tax rates to no more than 30 percent.[1]
It is most unfortunate that the mandate of the Tax
Working Group excludes examining the quality of government spending. This is especially the case since the Secretary of the
Treasury has been so outspoken about the fact that around $40
billion of the Government’s $62 billion budget could be better
spent.[2] The fact
that 65 percent of all government spending is deemed to be of
poor quality is a disgrace, especially as total government
spending (which includes local government) is forecast to rise
from 40.3 percent of GDP in 2007 to 46.4 percent in 2010.[3] In other words, almost half of the country’s wealth
created each year is consumed by the government sector. This
places New Zealand in the upper echelon of state controlled
economies.
In comparison, public expenditure in Hong Kong is
expected to be only 19.4 percent of GDP in 2010, falling to
18.9 percent in 2014. The small size of their government is
the key reason why Hong Kong is now a very wealthy country,
while New Zealand, with its ever-expanding government, is so
poor.
In fact, convention places a 20 percent of GDP cap on
government spending in Hong Kong. Article 107 of the Hong Kong
Basic Law requires the Hong Kong government to "keep the
budget commensurate with the growth rate of its gross domestic
product". Over the years this has been interpreted as
meaning that public spending should remain at 20 percent of
GDP - a figure has now assumed de facto constitutional status.[4]
Given the excessive rate of growth of the public sector
in New Zealand, surely a cap on government spending is the
sort of restriction on the administration that needs to be
considered here? It is unfortunate that such initiatives are
outside the scope of the Tax Working Group, whose brief is
instead limited to various tax gathering possibilities.
One such scheme that is presently being considered is a
capital gains tax. Although the Tax Working Group is looking
at the proposal as a means of broadening the tax collection
base, the Labour and Green parties are using it as an
opportunity to push for higher taxes by claiming it will make
housing more affordable.
This week’s Guest Commentator, property investment
specialist Frank Newman, points out the fallacy of that
argument, explaining that New Zealand already has a capital
gains tax for investment traders - including property
investors - and that homes have become less affordable,
largely because of local and central government policy:
“It may come as a surprise to many that there is in fact a capital
gains tax regime in New Zealand; its application is far from
clear and therefore not widely understood. Put very simply, a
taxpayer is liable for income tax on capital gains if they are
a dealer or trader, or if they bought the investment with the
intention of reselling at a profit.
It’s the latter that causes the difficulty. The IRD
as the all-powerful arbiters must look at the circumstances of
each case to come to a view on the investor’s intention at
the time the purchase was made. With the onus on the taxpayer
to prove their innocence, that lack of legal clarity puts the
taxpayer at risk of an unexpected and potentially ruinous tax
liability.
“Property investors face further challenges because there
are additional and more specific rules applying to gains on
the sale of property. These include for example a minimum ten
year holding rule for a builder’s private home and onerous
rules about “tainting”. The tainting rules state that
should a long-term property investor with an existing
portfolio of properties buy another property with the
intention of selling it for a quick profit, then the capital
gains on ALL of their properties in their portfolio would
become taxable. They all become “tainted” by the one
transaction. This is not the case for sharemarket investors
who can own shares in a trading account and shares in a
portfolio account, without one tainting the other.
“It is therefore incorrect to say New Zealand does not have
a capital gains regime, (but fair to say it lacks the clarity
of capital gains regimes in other countries). It’s also
bogus to claim property is New Zealanders most preferred
investment because of tax advantages. It is popular for a
number of other reasons”. To read Frank’s full article, click
here >>>
Although the government’s objective of aligning
income, trust and property taxes at 30 percent is commendable,
unfortunately for New Zealand the world has already progressed
beyond that target. At the present time, the OECD average
company tax is under 27 percent and falling, with South Korea,
one of our key trading partners planning to introduce a
company tax of 20 percent by 2010, and another of our trading
partners, Canada, intending to implement a federal corporate
tax of 15.9 percent by 2012. If New Zealand is to remain
competitive in the global marketplace, aligning the tax rate
nearer to 20 percent – not 30 percent - would seem the
prudent way to go, especially as it is now well known that
lower, flatter taxes drive faster economic growth, generating
extra tax revenue from higher wages and greater company
profits.
Dr Daniel J. Mitchell, a
Senior Fellow with the Cato Institute and a
top international tax reform expert believes that the benefits
of lower, flatter taxes cannot be over-stated: “Thanks largely to tax
competition, governments are dramatically improving tax
policy. Over the past 30 years, tax rates on productive
activity have been sharply reduced. Personal and corporate
income tax rates have been slashed. Capital gains tax rates,
wealth taxes, and death taxes have been lowered or eliminated.
These pro-growth reforms have boosted the global economy,
lowered poverty, and improved living standards.”[5]
He believes that the “flat
tax revolution” is the most exciting of all tax reforms with
some 24 countries having adopted some form of single-rate tax
regime – many of the more recent ‘conversions’ opting
for flat 15 percent or 10 percent tax rates. The result has
been faster growth, more jobs, and increased competitiveness.
And while politicians are usually extremely concerned about
losing their tax revenue, the results show that flat tax
systems invariably generate higher tax revenues because of
more income and better compliance.
Dr Mitchell also makes a
point that is especially relevant to New Zealand, and that is
that because labour and capital can cross national borders to
escape punitive tax rates, it no longer makes sense to
discriminate against highly-productive taxpayers. With an astonishing 24 percent of New Zealanders living overseas
(compared with only 4 percent of Australians who live
overseas), finding ways to improve the incentives to work,
invest and save in New Zealand has to be a critical objective
of the Tax Working Group.
The OECD estimates that a 5 percent fall in people’s
marginal tax rate increases GDP by 1 percent over the
medium term as taxpayers respond to incentive effects. Imagine
the boost to the economy if the government changed the tax mix
by collecting more of its revenue from the non-distortionary
consumption tax (if GST was raised to 15 percent, it would
bring in an additional $2.15 billion in revenue), so it could
reduce income and company tax rates to levels that would
stimulate entrepreneurial activity, boost productivity and
economic growth, and significantly raise living standards. By
carefully managing transitional issues to prevent hardship, a
prosperous future could be the reality for all New Zealanders.
Whether this government has the vision, the commitment,
and the courage to do what would be needed, will be a crucial
test.
This
week’s poll asks: Do
you believe that a cap limiting government spending to a set
percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) would be
appropriate for New Zealand? Go
to poll >>>
FOOTNOTES:
1. Victoria University, Tax
Working Group
2.John
Whitehead, Public
Sector Performance
3.Roger Kerr, Trend
to Bigger Government Must be Reversed
4.Prof Michael Littlewood, The
Hong Kong Tax System
5.Dr Daniel J. Mitchell, The
Global Flat Tax Revolution: Lessons for Policy Makers
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