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Dr Muriel Newman
Contact Muriel:
Email: muriel@nzcpr.com
Phone 09 4343 836
or 021 800 111
PO Box 984, Whangarei
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4
December 2011
Eurogeddon
and auserity
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While the
coalition negotiations between National, ACT, United and the
Maori Party continue on in their indeterminable way, the
sovereign debt crisis in Europe deepens. Amid fears of
loan defaults by Italy and Greece, the credit rating
agency Standard and Poor’s has downgraded 37 banks around
the world including the four main Australian banks – and
with them other New Zealand banking subsidiaries, the ASB,
ANZ, BNZ, and Westpac. Although the banks say there will be
little effect, over time it is likely there will be upwards
pressure on interest rates.
In light of the worsening global economic situation, there is
an argument that the parties contesting the 2011 General
Election should have put more focus on austerity measures. To
see whether austerity programmes are as unpopular with voters
as politicians may think, let’s examine what the research
tells us about the track record of governments that have
introduced tough austerity programmes. A report from Harvard
University in 2010 examined the results of elections in 19
OECD countries over a 33 year period from 1975 to 2008 to see
whether governments that imposed austerity measures got thrown
out more often than governments that didn’t. Surprisingly,
they found there was no difference - governments that focussed
on cutting their budget deficits had a survival rate no worse
than average.
When researchers burrowed down into the approaches used to
balance the books, they found that those that relied primarily
on tax increases were more unpopular than those that relied
heavily on spending cuts: “In only 20% of elections in the
countries that slashed spending did the government lose power,
compared with a 56% rate of being booted out of office for
governments which chose to raise taxes. Voters evidently
dislike tax increases much more than they abhor spending
cuts.” [1]
The paper concludes by saying that cash-strapped governments
should not worry too much about losing office if they
introduce strict austerity measures. While there might be
riots in the streets from interest groups that stand to lose
some of their benefits, the electorate at large tends to take
a more balanced view of fiscal consolidation - especially if
it is done through spending cuts rather than tax increases.
This was certainly the case in Canada in the mid-nineties,
where, according to a new report from Reuters, the government
transformed their “basket case” economy primarily on the
basis of severe spending cuts.[2] Canadian ministers were told
how much they had to cut and then told to come back with a
plan on how they intended to do it. Cuts ranged from 5 to 65
percent of departmental budgets, with almost no area of
government spending exempt. The point was made that unless
whole programmes were axed, departments were likely to simply
postpone spending with the result that the problem would be
just as big as it originally was within just a few years.
As a result of their reforms, the Canadian government reduced
spending by around 12 percent, interest rates fell, and the
deficit - which had risen to 6 percent of GDP in 1994 -
disappeared. The debt to GDP ratio declined rapidly from 67
percent in 1993, as the economy outperformed the rest of the
G7 countries on growth, jobs and investment. Debt is now
around 34 percent of GDP.
The Canadian public were right behind the budget cuts -
families that had cancelled holidays and taken on second jobs
to make ends meet in the recession couldn’t understand why
the government thought it could get away with living beyond
its means. As a result of their severe fiscal restraints, the
reforming government won two more elections to return majority
governments – a rare feat in those days.
The lesson for the John Key and his National government from
all of this is that if the global economic situation worsens,
they should not be afraid of introducing an austerity budget
to severely rein in government spending. In fact, in the cold
hard light of day, the state of the government’s books -
with a forecast budget deficit of $10.8 billion or 5.1 percent
of GDP, and forecast gross Crown debt of $79.8 billion or 37.7
percent of GDP - almost demands an austerity programme. And
while New Zealand's government debt at 37.7 percent of GDP
remains well below that of Greece at 132 per cent of GDP,
Italy at 129 percent, Portugal at 107 percent, France at 97
percent, and Spain at 72 percent of GDP, given our narrow
trading base and the fact that our main markets are now
feeling the effects of the European sovereign debt crisis,
there is no room for complacency.
So what should be the direction of an austerity budget?
At the top of the list would have to be National’s welfare
reform programme, which they claim will produce great benefits
including saving taxpayers $1 billion over four years.
At the present time the social welfare system support 550,000
New Zealanders - 328,000 working-age adults and 222,000
children. It is an indictment of the system that of the 12
percent of working age adults who are presently living on
benefits, over half have been on welfare for at least five
years. For the able-bodied, welfare was designed to provide
temporary support, not lock them into permanent dependency on
the state.
Over the years the benefit system has expanded to entrap many
people who could and should be working in state dependency.
This problem is now intergenerational and is harming children.
When children grow up in benefit dependent households that do
not value marriage or commitment, where no-one works for a
living, where education is not treasured, and where substance
abuse is commonplace, they are extremely vulnerable - their
potential in life limited by a hand-out system that destroys
lives.
National’s welfare plan is based on many of the
recommendations of the Welfare Working Group. Their goal is to
provide long-term support for those who are genuinely unable
to fend for themselves, while refocussing all other
beneficiaries on work. There will be a big increase in work
testing, benefits will be restructured and simplified, the
incentives to have more children on welfare will be curtailed,
and drug addicts and alcoholics will be forced to either get
treatment or lose their benefits. In conjunction with these
changes will be a serious crackdown on the benefit fraud and
abuse that has long riddled the system.
In looking at the sort of fundamental economic changes that
are needed in an austerity programme, the government should
have a goal of
reducing government spending back to what it was in 2005, when
it was an affordable 29 percent of GDP. In conjunction with
spending cuts, a comprehensive boost to the economy would be
generated through reducing the red tape and compliance costs
that severely inhibit business growth. Following the lead of
Canada - which has reduced company tax to 15 percent - a
further reduction in company tax from 28 percent to below 20
percent would give New Zealand export businesses in particular
the competitive advantage they need to help them overcome the
handicap of distance from our international markets. In
addition the government’s spending cuts would enable
personal tax rates to be lowered closer to 20 percent thus
easing the financial burden on many households and raising
living standards.
Any austerity package serious about offsetting the global
downturn and boosting growth would have to include suspending
the Emissions Trading Scheme. Scrapping the ETS was promoted
by ACT, New Zealand First, and the Conservatives in their
election manifestos. Instead of an ETS that was designed as a
mechanism to reduce emissions in industrial nations - not a
sparsely populated rural economies like New Zealand - the
NZCPR has long advocated a national project like planting
Kauri forests on Department of Conservation or Council land
(utilising the help of local long-term unemployed) as New
Zealand’s commitment to reducing greenhouse gases - if one
is deemed to be necessary for competitive trade-related
purposes. The present ETS has added unsustainable costs onto
every New Zealand household through rises in the price of fuel
and power that have flowed on to increase the cost of most
other goods and services in our economy.
With carbon prices collapsing both here and in the European
Union, it would be far better for the government to suspend
the ETS now in the name of austerity, rather than wait for the
total collapse that will occur once the Kyoto Protocol expires
next year. Scrapping the ETS, would not only relieve the cost
burden on kiwi families, but the forecast cost of $1.5 billion
for the provision of ETS credits in the budget could be cut as
well.
During the campaign John Key talked of the need to “make the
boat go faster”. In light of that, surely the government
should be reversing its decision to privatise the massive
wealth found within New Zealand’s coastline to corporate
iwi. Instead it should be retained for the benefit of all
citizens. Retaining Crown ownership of the foreshore and
seabed would also save $1.6 million from the budget - the cost
that taxpayers are being forced to pay corporate iwi to
prepare their claims for our coast!
In looking
to the future, I asked this week’s NZCPR Guest Commentator,
journalist and former editor of the Dominion, Karl du Fresne
if he would provide a roundup of the election. In his final
paragraph he picks up on this same theme of wanting National
to do more:
“Will the Key government show more daring in its second term
than it did in the first? It has the excuse that the global
economic crisis calls for bold action, but it could just as
easily argue – and probably will – that a period of
international uncertainty is no time for making radical
changes that might create anxiety. So while we can expect
modest reforms in such areas as welfare, youth wages, accident
compensation, partial privatisation of state assets and the
Resource Management Act, no one’s bracing
themselves for tough action to curb the state spending binge
that began under the Helen Clark government and has continued
largely unabated under National. Stability is likely to remain
National’s soothing mantra.” To read Karl’s commentary,
click here
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In light of
the worsening global situation and the fact that history
respects governments that cut costs in difficult times, one
can only hope that National finds the intestinal fortitude to
take the bold steps necessary to put HMS New Zealand back on a
course to growth and prosperity. The economic threat is very
real, and New Zealand is far too heavily dependent on just a
few commodity markets
to ignore the warnings. We urgently need to increase export
growth but we can’t do that until the government introduces
an austerity programme that prioritises the removal of
barriers to entrepreneurialism and wealth creation.
This
week’s poll asks: Are you more likely or less
likely to vote for a government that cuts costs to balance its
budget? Click here for poll >>>
FOOTNOTES:
1.
Economist, Vote
for Agony
2. Reuters, Lessons
for US from Canada’s “basket case” moment
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