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Dr Muriel Newman
Contact Muriel:
Email: muriel@nzcpr.com
Phone 09 4343 836
or 021 800 111
PO Box 984, Whangarei
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19
March 2012
Last
chance to defend coastal rights
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A
half page advertisement promoting our Citizens Initiated
Referendum (CIR) to restore Crown ownership of the foreshore
and seabed will appear in community newspapers throughout the
country this week. The ad asks those people who believe that
our coastline out to the 22km edge of the Territorial Sea
belongs to all New Zealanders equally regardless of race, to
sign our petition for a nation-wide referendum. If we can
gather the support of 320,000 registered voters by the end of
June, this will become only the fifth CIR petition to ever
succeed in triggering a citizens’ referendum.
At the same time as our call for support for our CIR goes
nationwide, a battle is erupting between community groups and
the government, over a prime coastal area that has been
secretly given to a tribal corporation to do what they want
with it. While the circumstances are different, in that the
deal involving community reserve land at Takapuna Head is part
of a Treaty settlement, rather than a customary rights claim
negotiated under the new Marine and Coastal Area Act, the
underlying issues are similar. Coastal deals will involve
secret ownership agreements between Ministers and tribal
groups - without communities being notified or involved in any
way at all, even though the repercussions could involve major
local developments such as the setting up of marine farms or
the mining of coastal minerals.
This week’s NZCPR Guest Commentator, Dr Hugh Barr, Secretary
for the Council of Outdoor Recreation Associations of New
Zealand, is the co-promoter of the CIR. He reminds us that iwi
wasted no time at all in lodging claims for the foreshore and
seabed once the new law was passed last year:
“By May 2011, many iwi were talking loudly of claiming their
foreshore and seabed. The Coastal Coalition asked under the
Official Information Act, for the areas that tribal groups
were claiming. Three iwi had lodged claims:
• Te Raroa – the lower half of Ninety Mile Beach and the
coast from Ahipara
to Hokianga Harbour, including Herekino and Wangape
harbours, and the
Northern side of the Hokianga
• Ngati Porou ki Hauraki – Kennedy Bay south past
Whangamata, east
Coromandel
• Ngati Pahauwera – claims in coastal northern Hawke’s
Bay
“This immediately led the Minister Chris Finlayson, the
architect of the Act, to discourage the likely flood of
claims, saying no claims would be dealt with before the
November Election. The gold-rush of iwi claims temporarily
stopped.
“However, there are twelve claims from the 2004 Act, which
are being taken through the High Court. These include Ngati
Porou’s claims to East Coast foreshore and seabed, including
wahi tapu. We are still seeking information through the
Official Information Act, as to all the claims that have now
been lodged.” To read Hugh’s article When
will iwi and Finlayson start taking our beaches?, click here>>>
The point that Hugh makes is a very important one.
Unlike the previous Foreshore and Seabed Act, which
required claimants to prove their case in the High Court, the
new law has created a separate political process to allow iwi
to avoid having to go to court. As a result, valuable public
resources - namely pristine areas of coastline and the
invaluable mineral and commercial wealth it contains – can
be awarded to chosen iwi by a government minister through
secret deals. That is a scandal in itself - especially as the
new law not only encourages commercialisation of the foreshore
and seabed, but also allows the area to be leased out to
foreign interests.
Under the new law, no-one will know which beaches are being
claimed or whether the justification being offered as proof of
‘ownership’ has any validity. All we have is the Official
Information Act, which provides only limited information.
There are no public disclosure provisions for claims, even
though such details are very definitely in the public
interest. And, just to rub salt into the wound, don’t forget
that under the new law, the cost of preparing claims falls on
taxpayers – it is taxpayers who will be forced to pay iwi to
prepare their claims for our foreshore and seabed.
The foreshore and seabed debacle had its origins in the 2008
confidence and supply agreement between the Maori Party and
National. They agreed to no more than a review of the
legislation covering the foreshore and seabed. In fact, the
Prime Minister even went on record, saying that a law change
would not go ahead unless there was widespread public support.
When a nationwide review was called and the public were asked
their opinion, an overwhelming majority opposed a law change.
But rather than ending the process, the Attorney General chose
to suppress the results. They were covered up while the
announcement was made that the law change would go ahead. When
finally flushed out months later under the Official
Information Act, over 90 percent of review submitters had
opposed a law change.
As it turned out, none of this mattered. The Government had
already decided that their coalition agreement with the Maori
Party and Iwi Leaders meant more to them than the wishes of 90
percent of the public. Repeal of Crown ownership to enable
progressive tribal ownership and control of the beaches and
Territorial Sea was an inevitable outcome.
From the day the Coastal Coalition was launched to fight
against the law change, we faced an uphill battle. Our call
for people opposed to the new law to put in submissions on the
bill resulted in 4,500 responses - probably 10 times more than
would have been expected without our campaign. MPs were
inundated with emails and visits from constituents urging them
to oppose the law change. Billboards and ads informing the
public about the proposed law change covered the country. But
once the Christchurch earthquakes and the Pike River Mine
disasters struck, the government was able to rush the bill
through into law while the country mourned.
In a representative democracy, it is part of the duty of
elected MPs to uphold the wishes of their constituents and
represent their views in Parliament. By protecting the rights
of the majority of citizens, MPs play a crucial role in
preventing the parliamentary process from being hijacked by
powerful vested interest groups. However, under MMP this
tradition has changed as MPs have been seen to abandon their
primary responsibility to their constituents in favour of
becoming lap-dogs to their political bosses. This has left
more and more New Zealanders feeling increasingly
disenfranchised.
Fortunately, thanks to the foresight of advocates who believed
voters in our democracy needed more power over their elected
representatives, New Zealand has the Citizens Initiated
Referendum Act. Passed into law in 1993, the Act allows
citizens to challenge bad legislation and propose new laws.
While such referendum outcomes are not binding on a
government, they do allow the public to stand up and express
their views on contentious public policy issues. To succeed
with a CIR, promoters have to gain approval for their petition
question from Parliament’s Clerk, then within twelve months
gather the support of 10 percent of registered voters. If they
succeed, the government will be required to hold a nation-wide
referendum on the question to give all New Zealanders a chance
to have their say.
It is under this 1993 CIR law that the Coastal Coalition’s
proposal to overturn the Marine and Coastal Area Act was
launched last year. As noted on Parliament’s website, the
CIR proposal was submitted by Dr Muriel Newman and Dr Hugh
Barr on 11 April 2011. The approved wording reads, “Should
the Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Act 2011 be
replaced by legislation that restores Crown ownership of the
foreshore and seabed?”. The deadline for submitting the
required number of signatures is 14 July 2012.
Under the CIR Act, promoters can spend a total of $50,000
including GST advertising the petition. The Act allows anyone
to register as a promoter and spend up to $50,000 advertising
the CIR as long as they operate independently of other
promoters. The community newspaper advertisement that you
should see in your local paper this week, represents the full
value of advertising that Hugh and I can undertake. In other
words, because the promotional spending cap has not been
raised by Parliament since the law was introduced in 1993, it
has not kept pace with rising costs. Had it been inflation
adjusted, it is very likely that the ad that is being
published in community newspapers this week could have been
run in daily papers across the country as well. Covering
community and daily papers would almost certainly guarantee
the success of our CIR.
A CIR is a numbers game. The good news is that our target is a
bit lower than we had thought – as at 29 February 2012 the
total number of enrolled voters is 3,056,213 so our 10 percent
target is 305,622, rather than the 320,000 estimated last
July. But we were advised at the outset that we would need to
collect several thousand more signatures than the actual
target. This is due to the fact that some people who are not
on the electoral roll will sign the petition, and others will
mistakenly sign more than once. So, our target is still
320,000 signatures by the end of June. And to put that into
perspective, 320,000 is the equivalent of the combined
population of Wellington and Hamilton!
Our grateful thanks go out to those of you who have been busy
collecting signatures over the last few months - with a
special mention of Kay and George Cowper from Bluff who we
featured last week for their wonderful achievement of
collecting over 1,000 signatures on their own. Just imagine if
we had another 319 people with the same dedication as Kay and
George! In thinking about numbers - during the foreshore and
seabed review in April 2010, the NZCPR launched an on-line
petition calling for an extension of the time frame for
submissions. Within six days over 4,000 people had registered
their support for that petition - most of them readers of this
newsletter. If 4,000 of the readers who receive this
newsletter printed off eight petition forms to give to eight
of their family and friends with an appeal for them to get
their contacts to fill them in, our goal would be well and
truly achieved!
As a mother and grandmother, I fervently believe that every
New Zealand child – now and into the future - deserves the
same free and unfettered ownership right to the coast that has
been enjoyed by past generations. This is a fundamental issue
about who we are as New Zealanders. Just because National and
the Maori Party forced a bad law onto us last year, doesn’t
mean that we have to take it lying down. Our democracy gives
us the power to fight back. That’s why we are running this
CIR. But we need the public to support us if we are to
overturn this scandalous law. Please do all that you can to
help.
This week’s poll asks: Should
our beaches and Territorial Sea be owned by the Crown?
Click here for poll >>>
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