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NZCPR CAMPAIGNS
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The ‘Maorification’ of New Zealand is not by accident. For decades tribal leaders have been plotting and scheming how to get their hands on the levers of power. Their objective is full control of our country. It is now obvious that they are a long way down the path to achieving their goal. If there’s no counter-movement, they will succeed.
The role of the neo-tribal Māori elite in promoting Māori Science has been crucial to the subject’s success. A relatively small, carefully selected grouping of those deemed to be “in the know” came to define what Māori Science was to be about and what it should include. They were able to achieve this with minimal input from the community they claimed to represent.
The period from the mid-1980s through until the mid-1990s in New Zealand witnessed the rapid acceptance of Māori science as an equal partner under the terms of the Treaty of Waitangi with what was to become specified and thereafter denigrated as “Western” science.
The key decisions that set the food price crisis in motion were made by Labour. Framed as bold climate leadership by Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, her 2018 Captain’s Call banning offshore oil and gas exploration, and the 2019 Zero Carbon Act introducing the harshest emissions restrictions in the world, came with predictable consequences: energy shortages and rising fuel prices, as the cost of carbon soared from $17 in 2017 to $88.50 in 2022.
As a former dairy farmer I was shocked to learn that Fonterra is selling its brands’ business. Call it emotional attachment rather than hard-headed commercial reality. For all my dairy farming years I heard that we needed to be closer to our consumers, that branding was an integral part of extracting profit from product sales and that we needed to better understand what our customers wanted. We needed to own the food chain – ‘plough to plate’.
Last week the Supreme Court delivered the second of its two-part judgement on the first Marine and Coastal Area Act case to progress its way through to our highest court. The first decision released last December put “tikanga” or Maori custom at the heart of all coastal claim decision-making, while the second, which only affects the mouths of navigable rivers, will end up opening up the country’s waterways for tribal claim.
In a compelling analysis, Emeritus Professor Peter Watts KC exposes how the Supreme Court’s decision in Ellis v R (continuance) represents a revolutionary departure from New Zealand’s constitutional foundations. It exposes how, by declaring tikanga relevant to any issue of common law or statutory interpretation, the Court has up-ended our legal system without a legitimate constitutional mandate.
Stopping the tribal takeover is what National, ACT and New Zealand First promised to do when they agreed to prioritise “Ending race-based policies” in their Coalition Agreement. By “ending race-based policies” and expunging all references to “race” and “Maori” from our Statute books (excluding Treaty settlement legislation), New Zealand would join over half of all OECD countries that have adopted a similar “colourblind” approach.
If the present journey is allowed to continue then National will have forfeited the trust of those voting it into office. The result will be that at the next election many loyal National voters will vote for a minority party and candidate. Either National will become the minority member of a coalition with ACT and NZ First, or the door will be open to a Labour, Green, Maori Party government which will allow the separatists to finalise their attack on our institutions.
Forty-two councils are set to hold pivotal referenda on the future of Maori seats in October, yet few New Zealanders appear to grasp just how high the stakes actually are. Proponents of Maori sovereignty understand the gravity: losing these seats would deal a crushing blow to their push for control over local councils. More critically, it could jeopardise their race-based parliamentary seats and their He Puapua plan to dominate “Aotearoa” by 2040.
